I've noted on more than one occasion that the threat of increasing resource constraints is encouraging governments, businesses, and other parties to seek out and secure new sources of essential commodities such as food, water, and energy.
A good part of the focus thus far has been on the Arctic region, which experts estimate may hold as much as 20 - 25 percent of the world's remaining untapped oil and gas reserves. In fact, I've highlighted issues that have arisen as a result of this quest in various posts, including "A Matter of Coincidence?" "Big Changes Up North," "Zone of Peace?" "No Surprise from Russia," Friction Up North," "Gearing Up for Something Big," "Russia Sees Things Differently," and "Energy Battle Lines Being Drawn."
That doesn't mean, however, that the focus is solely on the polar region to our north. As Klaus Dodds notes in a commentary for World Politics Review, "India, China Turn Sights on Antarctica," there is also growing interest in the relatively unexplored continent to our south.
In October, India announced its inaugural scientific expedition to the South Pole, with the news well-received by the Antarctic Treaty nations, according to the Times of India. At about the same time, the Chinese icebreaker Snow Dragon embarked on its 27th expedition to the Antarctic, with one aim of its voyage to allow a team of Chinese engineers and logistical staff to renovate one of the country's two main research stations in the southern polar region.
The two stories reflect the increasing attention that the two countries are paying to the Antarctic region.
India has been involved in the Antarctic since 1981, but its interest in the political status of the continent dates from the 1950s, when it first raised the "question of Antarctica." Since the early 1980s, when it joined the Antarctic Treaty System, India has established two scientific bases: Dakshin Gangotri, abandoned in 1989, and Maitri, still in operation. It also plans to build a new station in the Larsemann Hills called Bharati, to be operational in 2012.
Its expedition to the South Pole, however, is hugely symbolic. As North Americans and Europeans have long recognized, the South Pole represents more than just the geographic heart of Antarctica. The United States' Amundsen-Scott station at the pole is as much a geopolitical expression of the power to be at the center of things as it is a scientific outpost. India's expedition is, therefore, a sign of intent.
China joined the Antarctic Treaty System in 1983. Its first scientific base, Great Wall Station, opened in 1985 and was subsequently joined by Zhongshan. A third station, Kunlun, opened in 2009. Notably, Kunlun is located on Dome A, the highest ice feature in Antarctica.
Scientific stations and research expeditions in the Antarctic all occur under the rubric of the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. The treaty, of which China and India are signatories, relates to all landmasses and ice shelves south of 60 degrees south latitude -- a line that cuts through the southern oceans. It stipulates that the Antarctic should be kept free of conflict and that the continent shall remain demilitarized and denuclearized. It also demands that disputes over territorial ownership be put aside for the purpose of scientific and other cooperation.
Seven countries -- Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway and the United Kingdom -- have substantial and at times overlapping territorial claims in the Antarctic, all made before the Antarctic Treaty entered into force. Russia and the United States reject these claims, as do China and India.
The treaty defers the question of ownership indefinitely, and while all signatories have agreed to set aside their claims to the polar continent, they use science -- and in particular, scientific stations -- to reinforce their continental presence. The United States deliberately located its research stations in a multitude of locations, while the then-Soviet Union, now Russia, established Vostok Station near the Southern Pole of Inaccessability alongside other bases around the continent. Some 30 countries operate scientific stations -- some permanent and some summer-only.
Claimant states such as Australia -- the largest claimant -- have reacted uneasily to China and India's growing Antarctic presence. The Australian Antarctic Territory (AAT), home to three permanent Australian research stations, is roughly 2.2 million square miles, or three times the size of Mexico. But Russian and Chinese stations are also located within the AAT, and by 2012, India's will be as well.
Claimant states have recently used the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to extend their sovereign rights over the Antarctic seabed. In deference to the Antarctic Treaty, Australia and others asked the U.N. Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf not to consider their claimed Antarctic territories in their submission materials for seabed rights. However, in a controversial move, Argentina did include the Argentine Antarctic Territory in its official submission.
Although it is perfectly legitimate for coastal states to use UNCLOS to delimit outer continental shelves, thereby acquiring sovereign rights to the resources found on and below the seabed, the question remains whether there are any coastal states in Antarctica. Australia and other claimants behave as if they were recognized as such, but countries such as Russia and the United States contend that there are in fact no coastal states in the region and reject the legitimacy of Australia's claim to the AAT.
The question also arises whether such efforts to lay claim to the Antarctic continental shelf will wreck the Antarctic Treaty. For the past 50 years, the treaty has used science to promote international cooperation while deferring the ownership issue. But as a result, science became the preferred vehicle both for claimants to project their claims and for nonclaimants to register their intent and purpose. The creation and maintenance of a research station is a way of registering an interest in the Antarctic that goes well beyond mere scientific and logistic concerns. So establishing new research stations and/or initiating new expeditions to the South Pole should be seen as efforts by China and India to continue registering their high-profile interest in the Antarctic.
The Antarctic's living resources -- fish, seals and whales -- have long been exploited. But for the last 60 years, the fundamental question of Antarctica has revolved around the ownership of mineral resources, with particular interest in coal, gas, oil and uranium reserves. In 1998, the Protocol on Environmental Protection entered into force, by which all Antarctic Treaty signatories agreed that there would be no mining or resource-extraction in the Antarctic. But there is a potential for a review of the protocol's provisions starting in 2048.
That leaves less than 40 years to find a more-permanent arrangement to keep the Antarctic from becoming the next prize in the global race for resources.
Klaus Dodds is professor of Geopolitics at Royal Holloway, University of London. He is a specialist in the changing geopolitics of the Polar Regions.
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